Men are more likely to perpetrate violence if they have low education, a history of child maltreatment, exposure to domestic violence against their mothers, harmful use of alcohol, unequal gender norms including attitudes accepting of violence, and a sense of entitlement over women. The field appears to be developing toward an integrative, metatheoretical model of violence that considers multiple variables operating at different times in a probabilistic fashion (Leonard, 1993; White, in press). For example, male athletes may be spurred to greater aggressive efforts by coaches who deride them as "girls." These findings suggest that victimized women may become inappropriate users of medical services by somaticizing their distress; however, the number of sexual assault victims who qualify for the psychiatric diagnosis of somatization disorder is small. Studies of this type have consistently reported that active strategies such as screaming, fleeing, or physically struggling are associated with higher rates of rape avoidance (Javorek, 1979; Bart, 1981; Quinsey and Upfold, 1985; Levine-MacCombie and Koss, 1986; Siegel et al., 1989; Ullman and Knight, 1991, 1992). Intimate partner (physical, sexual and emotional) and sexual violence cause serious short- and long-term physical, mental, sexual and reproductive health problems for women.

Intimate partner and sexual violence are mostly perpetrated by men against women. In preliterate societies, there were significantly greater frequencies of rape in those characterized by patrilocality, high degree of interpersonal violence, and an ideology of male toughness. This line of research has a dismal record of success.
difficulties in communicating between partners. This theory does not view aggression as inevitable, but rather sees it as a social behavior that is learned and shaped by its consequences, continuing if it is reinforced (Lore and Schultz, 1993). (1975) found individuals became more aggressive in laboratory experiments after drinking what they were told was alcohol, even though it was not. Among them have been biologic factors such as androgenic hormonal influences; evolutionary theo-. And while there are many barriers to empowerment, violence against women and girls (VAW) is both a cause and a consequence of gender inequality. In a comparison of sexual assault victims with matched nonvictimized women on nine psychiatric diagnoses and a sample size of more than 3,000, too few cases of somatization disorder were identified to analyze statistically (Burnam et al., 1988). Rape can also result in transmission of a sexually transmitted disease (STD) to the victim, or in pregnancy. Many social and public health consequences of violence are unstudied, including labor force participation, economic well-being, fertility decisions, divorce rates, and health status (Gilfus, 1995). ally aggressive men more strongly endorse a set of attitudes that are supportive of rape than do nonaggressive men, including myths about rape and the use of interpersonal violence as a strategy for resolving conflict (e.g., Malamuth, 1986; Malamuth et al., 1991, 1995). Obviously, many battering incidents and sexual assaults occur in the absence of alcohol, and many people drink without engaging in violent behavior (Kantor and Straus, 1990). Furthermore, some of the same factors that contribute to sexual aggression in early adulthood appear to lead to other conflictual behaviors with women in later life. This finding is consistent with the optimum evolutionary strategy for males of mating with as many fertile females as possible. Alternatively, alcohol consumption by women may be misperceived and misinterpreted by the men they meet as a sexual availability cue. 0000006470 00000 n Sons of violent parents are more likely to abuse their intimate partners than boys from nonviolent homes (Straus et al., 1980). However, personality testing of rapists has found no significant differences between sexual offenders and those incarcerated for nonsexual offenses (Quinsey et al., 1980; Langevin, 1983). Advocate to make violence against women unacceptable and for such violence to be addressed as a public health problem. The fear of violence can prevent women from pursuing education, working or exercising their political rights and voice. Yet the full extent of costs to the courts—civil and family, as well as criminal—and law enforcement generally have not been calculated. Consequently, rape and sexual assault victims also seek more medical care than nonvictims. It should be noted that part of what is known about the consequences of violence against women comes from studies of women who were seeking help, so it may not be representative of all victims. Other psychological symptoms reported by both victims of rape and partner violence include lowered self-esteem, guilt, shame, anxiety, alcohol and drug abuse, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Walker, 1979; Burnam et al., 1988; Winfield et al., 1990; Herman, 1992).

Yet there are problems with the PTSD conceptualization. women seen in the emergency room and 21 percent of the injuries that required emergency surgery could be attributed to battering. Lead to unintended pregnancies, induced abortions, gynaecological problems, and sexually transmitted infections, including HIV. Rape (with the exception of marital rape) is more likely than partner violence to be an isolated incident, which creates a somewhat different course of recovery. Sex differences in current human mating strategies may be explained as having been shaped by the strategies that created reproductive success among human ancestors. The review also found that 50 percent of the rapes of women over age 30 had been committed by the woman's intimate partner (Stark et al., 1981). Television and movies are filled with scenes of women being threatened, raped, beaten, tortured, and murdered. Evolutionary theory also has been used to explain aspects of intimate partner violence. For example, a study by Victim Services in New York City found that 56 percent of working battered women had lost a job as a direct result of the violence, and 75. percent had been harassed while they were at work by their partners (Friedman and Couper, 1987). only about 4 percent sustain serious physical injuries (Kilpatrick et al., 1992). Although norms should guide the design of culturally sensitive policies and programs, they should not constrain or undermine initiatives.

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